Poor fathers like John are largely forgotten, written off as a subset of the unworthy poor. These fathers struggle with poverty - often with near hopelessness - within multiple systems in which they are either entangled or overlooked, such as child-support and welfare programs, family courts, the criminal justice system, housing programs, and the healthcare, education, and foster-care systems. For these impoverished fathers, the "end of men" is often not simply a question for purposes of discussion but a fact that is all too real. In the instances in which poor fathers are not forgotten, they are targeted as causes of poverty rather than as possible victims themselves - or more accurately they fall somewhere along the false dichotomy between pure blame and pure sympathy. The poor fathers are lumped together in monolithic descriptions that become constants in equations attempting to understand and solve societal ills. If a continuously evolving factor is treated as a known constant rather than an undetermined variable, the math will inevitably be wrong. Thus, the essentialist...
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Reference Type: Journal ArticleYear: 2013
Poor fathers like John are largely forgotten, written off as a subset of the unworthy poor. These fathers struggle with poverty - often with near hopelessness - within multiple systems in which they are either entangled or overlooked, such as child-support and welfare programs, family courts, the criminal justice system, housing programs, and the healthcare, education, and foster-care systems. For these impoverished fathers, the "end of men" is often not simply a question for purposes of discussion but a fact that is all too real. In the instances in which poor fathers are not forgotten, they are targeted as causes of poverty rather than as possible victims themselves - or more accurately they fall somewhere along the false dichotomy between pure blame and pure sympathy. The poor fathers are lumped together in monolithic descriptions that become constants in equations attempting to understand and solve societal ills. If a continuously evolving factor is treated as a known constant rather than an undetermined variable, the math will inevitably be wrong. Thus, the essentialist policy equations created from the uniform view and treatment of low-income fathers will inevitably result in incorrect policy solutions to system concerns. Moreover, each system's equation - already incorrectly constructed - is further impacted and skewed by the unplanned interactions with incorrect equations of other systems. (Excerpt from author introduction)
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Reference Type: Journal ArticleYear: 2014
We examine whether low-income mothers receive child care from their children's nonresident fathers or nonresident fathers' relatives, particularly asking whether mothers who have children with more than one nonresident father are more or less likely to receive child care. Using data from the Survey of Wisconsin Works Families, we find that about 44 percent of low-income mothers of children with nonresident fathers receive some child care from nonresident fathers or nonresident fathers' relatives. Logit analyses show that those who have children with more than one nonresident father are more likely to receive child care than those who have children with a single nonresident father. The research shows that it is important to count child-care provision among the types of support that nonresident fathers provide and that, when examining assistance mothers receive from nonresident fathers, we should consider the package of support that a mother receives from all nonresident fathers and their relatives. (Author abstract)
We examine whether low-income mothers receive child care from their children's nonresident fathers or nonresident fathers' relatives, particularly asking whether mothers who have children with more than one nonresident father are more or less likely to receive child care. Using data from the Survey of Wisconsin Works Families, we find that about 44 percent of low-income mothers of children with nonresident fathers receive some child care from nonresident fathers or nonresident fathers' relatives. Logit analyses show that those who have children with more than one nonresident father are more likely to receive child care than those who have children with a single nonresident father. The research shows that it is important to count child-care provision among the types of support that nonresident fathers provide and that, when examining assistance mothers receive from nonresident fathers, we should consider the package of support that a mother receives from all nonresident fathers and their relatives. (Author abstract)
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Reference Type: Journal Article, Stakeholder ResourceYear: 2003
In recent years social welfare policies and practices have increasingly addressed men's roles as fathers. The landmark welfare reform legislation, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) (P.L. 104-193), contains significant revisions in child support legislation. Rapid growth has occurred in the number of social services programs working with fathers. This article introduces social workers to these policy and practice initiatives. Through a critical review of research and descriptive programmatic material, this article considers the mixed implications of these policy and practice interventions for family well-being and recommends future directions for policy and practice.(author abstract)
In recent years social welfare policies and practices have increasingly addressed men's roles as fathers. The landmark welfare reform legislation, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) (P.L. 104-193), contains significant revisions in child support legislation. Rapid growth has occurred in the number of social services programs working with fathers. This article introduces social workers to these policy and practice initiatives. Through a critical review of research and descriptive programmatic material, this article considers the mixed implications of these policy and practice interventions for family well-being and recommends future directions for policy and practice.(author abstract)
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Reference Type: Journal ArticleYear: 2004
This article reviews recent literature on low-income fathers, including the transition to fatherhood for young unmarried fathers and levels of father involvement among married, cohabiting, and nonresident low-income fathers. I discuss predictors of father involvement as well as available evidence concerning their effects on children’s well-being. Although mounting qualitative evidence argues that unmarried low-income men may be more favorably disposed to fatherhood than previously recognized and that such intentions may greatly influence subsequent fathering behavior, studies of fertility intention remain largely separate from those of father involvement. I propose that subsequent research should also pay greater attention to the effects of fatherhood on low-income men. (author abstract)
This article reviews recent literature on low-income fathers, including the transition to fatherhood for young unmarried fathers and levels of father involvement among married, cohabiting, and nonresident low-income fathers. I discuss predictors of father involvement as well as available evidence concerning their effects on children’s well-being. Although mounting qualitative evidence argues that unmarried low-income men may be more favorably disposed to fatherhood than previously recognized and that such intentions may greatly influence subsequent fathering behavior, studies of fertility intention remain largely separate from those of father involvement. I propose that subsequent research should also pay greater attention to the effects of fatherhood on low-income men. (author abstract)
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Reference Type: Journal ArticleYear: 2010
We used the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 cohort (NLSY79) from 1979 to 2002 and the Children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (CNLSY) from 1986 to 2002 to describe the number, shape, and population frequencies of U.S. nonresident father contact trajectories over a 14-year period using growth mixture models. The resulting four-category classification indicated that nonresident father involvement is not adequately characterized by a single population with a monotonic pattern of declining contact over time. Contrary to expectations, about two-thirds of fathers were consistently either highly involved or rarely involved in their children’s lives. Only one group, constituting approximately 23% of fathers, exhibited a clear pattern of declining contact. In addition, a small group of fathers (8%) displayed a pattern of increasing contact. A variety of variables differentiated between these groups, including the child’s age at father-child separation, whether the child was born within marriage, the mother’s education, the mother’s age at birth, whether the father...
We used the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 cohort (NLSY79) from 1979 to 2002 and the Children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (CNLSY) from 1986 to 2002 to describe the number, shape, and population frequencies of U.S. nonresident father contact trajectories over a 14-year period using growth mixture models. The resulting four-category classification indicated that nonresident father involvement is not adequately characterized by a single population with a monotonic pattern of declining contact over time. Contrary to expectations, about two-thirds of fathers were consistently either highly involved or rarely involved in their children’s lives. Only one group, constituting approximately 23% of fathers, exhibited a clear pattern of declining contact. In addition, a small group of fathers (8%) displayed a pattern of increasing contact. A variety of variables differentiated between these groups, including the child’s age at father-child separation, whether the child was born within marriage, the mother’s education, the mother’s age at birth, whether the father pays child support regularly, and the geographical distance between fathers and children. (Author abstract)