This statute amended the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 and the National School Lunch Act of 1946 and created the Special Supplemental Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC) as a pilot program.
Public Law 92-433 (1972).
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This statute amended the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 and the National School Lunch Act of 1946 and created the Special Supplemental Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC) as a pilot program.
Public Law 92-433 (1972).
This statute amended the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 and the National School Lunch Act of 1946 and created the Special Supplemental Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC) as a pilot program.
Public Law 92-433 (1972).
Comparisons of the extent of poverty at different times are greatly affected by whether the dividing line between the poor and the rest of the population changes as average income grows over time, and if so to what degree. The absolute income standard and the relative income standard are polar hypotheses about the income elasticity of the poverty line. Under an absolute standard of poverty, the poverty line is constant (in deflated dollars). In terms of what people thought of as poverty a century ago, the absolute standard implies that today almost no one is poor in the United States. Under a relative standard of poverty, the poverty line changes in the same proportion as average income if the relative income distribution is constant. The relative standard implies that if the shape of the income distribution is the same today as a century ago, the poverty problem is now no less. Probably more likely than either of these extremes is that people's judgment about the dividing line between poverty and a more adequate standard of living is determined by a mixture of concerns over both...
Comparisons of the extent of poverty at different times are greatly affected by whether the dividing line between the poor and the rest of the population changes as average income grows over time, and if so to what degree. The absolute income standard and the relative income standard are polar hypotheses about the income elasticity of the poverty line. Under an absolute standard of poverty, the poverty line is constant (in deflated dollars). In terms of what people thought of as poverty a century ago, the absolute standard implies that today almost no one is poor in the United States. Under a relative standard of poverty, the poverty line changes in the same proportion as average income if the relative income distribution is constant. The relative standard implies that if the shape of the income distribution is the same today as a century ago, the poverty problem is now no less. Probably more likely than either of these extremes is that people's judgment about the dividing line between poverty and a more adequate standard of living is determined by a mixture of concerns over both absolute- and relative conditions. If so, growth in average income increases the poverty line, but by less than in the same proportion. This proposition-that the income elasticity of the poverty line is between zero and one-is the hypothesis tested in this paper. (author abstract)
This statute created the Community Development Block Grant program merging numerous categorical programs into one block of community development funds distributed each year by formula, accounting for population and measures of distress including poverty, age of housing, housing overcrowding, and growth lag.
Public Law No.93-383 (1974).
This statute created the Community Development Block Grant program merging numerous categorical programs into one block of community development funds distributed each year by formula, accounting for population and measures of distress including poverty, age of housing, housing overcrowding, and growth lag.
Public Law No.93-383 (1974).
All Our Kin is the chronicle of a young white woman's sojourn into The Flats, an African-American ghetto community, to study the support system family and friends form when coping with poverty. Eschewing the traditional method of entry into the community used by anthropologists -- through authority figures and community leaders -- she approached the families herself by way of an acquaintance from school, becoming one of the first sociologists to explore the black kinship network from the inside. The result was a landmark study that debunked the misconception that poor families were unstable and disorganized. On the contrary, her study showed that families in The Flats adapted to their poverty conditions by forming large, resilient, lifelong support networks based on friendship and family that were very powerful, highly structured and surprisingly complex.
Universally considered the best analysis of family and kinship in a ghetto black community ever published, All Our Kin is also an indictment of a social system that reinforces welfare dependency and...
All Our Kin is the chronicle of a young white woman's sojourn into The Flats, an African-American ghetto community, to study the support system family and friends form when coping with poverty. Eschewing the traditional method of entry into the community used by anthropologists -- through authority figures and community leaders -- she approached the families herself by way of an acquaintance from school, becoming one of the first sociologists to explore the black kinship network from the inside. The result was a landmark study that debunked the misconception that poor families were unstable and disorganized. On the contrary, her study showed that families in The Flats adapted to their poverty conditions by forming large, resilient, lifelong support networks based on friendship and family that were very powerful, highly structured and surprisingly complex.
Universally considered the best analysis of family and kinship in a ghetto black community ever published, All Our Kin is also an indictment of a social system that reinforces welfare dependency and chronic unemployment. As today's political debate over welfare reform heats up, its message has become more important than ever. (author abstract)
Single parent families, usually headed by women, are transitional in two important senses: they frequently represent a transitional stage between marriages; and they are a symptom of the transition from a "distributive" family structure, in which a man provides resources for financially dependent women and children, to a form characterized by less specialized marital roles and more equal sharing of the physical care and financial support of children. This book examines the social and public policy implications of these changes. It is divided into seven chapters. Chapter 1, "Introduction," provides reasons for research and explanations for change. Chapter 2, "Families Headed by Women: Their Growth and Changing Composition," explores recent trends and family demography. Chapter 3,"Marital Instability," examines marriage from psychological, economic, and social perspectives. Chapter 4, "Race and Family Structure," discusses racial family differences and recent trends in female headedness among black families. Chapter 5, "Welfare and Female-Headed Families," examines the roles of...
Single parent families, usually headed by women, are transitional in two important senses: they frequently represent a transitional stage between marriages; and they are a symptom of the transition from a "distributive" family structure, in which a man provides resources for financially dependent women and children, to a form characterized by less specialized marital roles and more equal sharing of the physical care and financial support of children. This book examines the social and public policy implications of these changes. It is divided into seven chapters. Chapter 1, "Introduction," provides reasons for research and explanations for change. Chapter 2, "Families Headed by Women: Their Growth and Changing Composition," explores recent trends and family demography. Chapter 3,"Marital Instability," examines marriage from psychological, economic, and social perspectives. Chapter 4, "Race and Family Structure," discusses racial family differences and recent trends in female headedness among black families. Chapter 5, "Welfare and Female-Headed Families," examines the roles of eligibility, benefits, and incentives. Chapter 6, "What Happens to Children in Female-Headed Families?" evaluates existing knowledge and explores negative consequences for children. Chapter 7, "The Family in Transition," sums up the book's themes and suggests new directions for research and public policy. A bibliography is appended to each chapter. The book includes six appendices providing various types of statistical analysis, 50 statistical tables, and four figures. An author and subject index is included. (publisher abstract)