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SSRC Library

The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

Writing a paper? Working on a literature review? Citing research in a funding proposal? Use the SSRC Citation Assistance Tool to compile citations.

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The SSRC Library collection is constantly growing and new research is added regularly. We welcome our users to submit a library item to help us grow our collection in response to your needs.


  • Individual Author: Stewart, Sylvia; Jee, Eunjung ; Santos, Jessica ; Braimah, Habiba ; Shapiro, Thomas
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2021

    This report examines employment trends for essential workers over 12 months, beginning at the start of the pandemic. In particular, we highlight racial and gender inequities in the healthcare workforce and the experiences of Black women. Key findings include:

    • While all essential workers suffered through the pandemic, Black women faced higher unemployment and lower wages than almost every other group.
    • In health care, the occupations with a larger proportion of Black women had the highest unemployment and the lowest wages.
    • While white healthcare workers were able to see rewards from their work through career advancement, Black women’s career standing more often stagnated or fell. (author abstract)

    This report examines employment trends for essential workers over 12 months, beginning at the start of the pandemic. In particular, we highlight racial and gender inequities in the healthcare workforce and the experiences of Black women. Key findings include:

    • While all essential workers suffered through the pandemic, Black women faced higher unemployment and lower wages than almost every other group.
    • In health care, the occupations with a larger proportion of Black women had the highest unemployment and the lowest wages.
    • While white healthcare workers were able to see rewards from their work through career advancement, Black women’s career standing more often stagnated or fell. (author abstract)
  • Individual Author: Kroeger, Teresa ; Wright, Graham
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2021

    Research has repeatedly argued that increasing the rate at which Black people start businesses could reduce the racial wealth gap between Black and white families, but increasing the rate of Black entrepreneurship may actually exacerbate the racial wealth gap, due to the economic cost associated with business closure. Using longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), we find that, as past work suggests, Black-owned businesses are less likely to remain open 4 years later, compared to white-owned businesses, and that, due to this disparity, Black business owners are more likely to experience downward economic mobility and less likely to experience upward mobility, compared to their white counterparts. These results suggest that improving the rate at which Black entrepreneurs succeed, rather than increasing the rate at which Black people become entrepreneurs, should be the target of efforts to leverage business ownership to reduce the racial wealth gap. (author abstract)

    Research has repeatedly argued that increasing the rate at which Black people start businesses could reduce the racial wealth gap between Black and white families, but increasing the rate of Black entrepreneurship may actually exacerbate the racial wealth gap, due to the economic cost associated with business closure. Using longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), we find that, as past work suggests, Black-owned businesses are less likely to remain open 4 years later, compared to white-owned businesses, and that, due to this disparity, Black business owners are more likely to experience downward economic mobility and less likely to experience upward mobility, compared to their white counterparts. These results suggest that improving the rate at which Black entrepreneurs succeed, rather than increasing the rate at which Black people become entrepreneurs, should be the target of efforts to leverage business ownership to reduce the racial wealth gap. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Williams, Jhacova
    Reference Type: Stakeholder Resource
    Year: 2020

    This COVID-19 recession/recovery is akin to a schoolyard game of kickball. As the economy tries to rebound, companies are adding workers to their team, yet a group is being picked last—Black workers.

    This isn't the first time, either. When the Great Recession began, Black workers' unemployment rate increased to double digits and remained that high for more than six years. In comparison, the unemployment rate among white workers never reached double digits during the Great Recession or its recovery.

    It took more than 10 years for Black workers' incomes to return to their pre-recession levels.

    While some may point to differences in education, age, and experience to explain these differences, these factors do little to explain racial disparities in employment. In fact, at every education level, Black workers have higher unemployment rates compared to their white counterparts. For example, Black workers with college degrees have unemployment rates similar to that of white workers with high school diplomas.

    Despite this history, the beginning of 2020...

    This COVID-19 recession/recovery is akin to a schoolyard game of kickball. As the economy tries to rebound, companies are adding workers to their team, yet a group is being picked last—Black workers.

    This isn't the first time, either. When the Great Recession began, Black workers' unemployment rate increased to double digits and remained that high for more than six years. In comparison, the unemployment rate among white workers never reached double digits during the Great Recession or its recovery.

    It took more than 10 years for Black workers' incomes to return to their pre-recession levels.

    While some may point to differences in education, age, and experience to explain these differences, these factors do little to explain racial disparities in employment. In fact, at every education level, Black workers have higher unemployment rates compared to their white counterparts. For example, Black workers with college degrees have unemployment rates similar to that of white workers with high school diplomas.

    Despite this history, the beginning of 2020 arrived with positive news: The unemployment rate among Black workers was the lowest ever (although still double that of white workers). Of course, from March to April everything changed for everyone because of the pandemic. In April, Black workers' unemployment rate was 16.7% compared to a rate of 14.2% for white workers. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Child Trends
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2019

    After reaching 23 percent in 1993—the highest rate since 1964—child poverty (the percentage of children in families with income below 100 percent of the federal poverty level) fell to 16 percent in 2000. The rate then rose slowly through 2004, to 18 percent. Soon after, the child poverty rate began to reflect the most recent economic downturn. From 2006 to 2010, child poverty increased from 17 to 22 percent of all children under age 18, before declining from 2010 to 2017, to 17 percent. A small uptick in 2014, to 21 percent, may be attributed to a change in income reporting. (Author introduction)

     

    After reaching 23 percent in 1993—the highest rate since 1964—child poverty (the percentage of children in families with income below 100 percent of the federal poverty level) fell to 16 percent in 2000. The rate then rose slowly through 2004, to 18 percent. Soon after, the child poverty rate began to reflect the most recent economic downturn. From 2006 to 2010, child poverty increased from 17 to 22 percent of all children under age 18, before declining from 2010 to 2017, to 17 percent. A small uptick in 2014, to 21 percent, may be attributed to a change in income reporting. (Author introduction)

     

  • Individual Author: Tran, Victoria; Dwyer, Kelly; Minton, Sarah
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2019

    If a single mother earns $25,000 per year, can she receive a subsidy to help pay for child care? What if she decides to attend a training program? If she does qualify for a subsidy, how much will she have to pay out of pocket? The answers to these questions depend on a family’s exact circumstances, including the ages of the children, the number of people in the family, income, and where they live. Child care subsidies are provided through a federal block grant program called the Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF). CCDF provides funding to the States, Territories, and Tribes. They use the money to administer child care subsidy programs for low-income families. This brief provides a graphical overview of some of the CCDF policy differences across States/Territories. It includes information about eligibility requirements, family application and terms of authorization, family payments, and policies for providers. (Excerpt from author introduction)

    If a single mother earns $25,000 per year, can she receive a subsidy to help pay for child care? What if she decides to attend a training program? If she does qualify for a subsidy, how much will she have to pay out of pocket? The answers to these questions depend on a family’s exact circumstances, including the ages of the children, the number of people in the family, income, and where they live. Child care subsidies are provided through a federal block grant program called the Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF). CCDF provides funding to the States, Territories, and Tribes. They use the money to administer child care subsidy programs for low-income families. This brief provides a graphical overview of some of the CCDF policy differences across States/Territories. It includes information about eligibility requirements, family application and terms of authorization, family payments, and policies for providers. (Excerpt from author introduction)

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